
Geldof’s Live Aid vs Moyo’s Dead Aid
by Ajani Husbands
The book’s introduction explains one of the most valid reasons to take Dambisa Moyo seriously: “the simple fact that ‘Dead Aid’ is the work of an African black woman is the least of the reasons why you should read it. But it is a good reason nonetheless.” The truth is, discussions on development and foreign aid are most often headed by ivory tower elites diametrically opposite of Moyo’s demographic or their odd couple counterpart the liberal musician and/or actor. While these dynamics are slowly changing with time, you often need a push from an outsider to kickstart something new. And that’s what Dambisa Moyo’s bold strategy is, something new.
Shouldn’t the development community pause at the fact that the leading faces of development in Africa are musicians and actors? Their involvement is not out of malice, but simply being good-willed does not mean you have the best answers. To be blunt, when a British rock star outranks the rural farmer in terms of deciding what that farmer needs, it’s time to go back to the drawing board. Dambisa Moyo erases the drawing board completely and starts fresh.
Moyo’s thesis is simple. Instead of relying on foreign aid to develop the world’s most impoverished continent, break out and try different tactics. After all, as she points out, not only is there no proven positive correlation between foreign aid and development, there is usually a negative one (the most aid-dependent countries’ growth rates have shrunk an average of 0.2 percent since 1940). Of all the statistics she quotes in the book, the most important one to note is $300 billion worth of aid has flowed into Africa from developed countries since 1970. That’s an average of $7.5 billion each year, and an average of roughly $150 million per African country per year over the past 39 years. To borrow Moyo’s succinct, yet effective, phrasing, “aid is not working.”
Her strategy is nuanced, though, in a way that many critics miss. Moyo doesn’t advocate for completely cutting off all forms of outside dollars. Instead, she focuses specifically on government to government transfers in the form of loans, usually from the IMF and World Bank, but also from foreign governments. This point is critical, because it demonstrates that Moyo is not an idealist; she’s a realist. Foreign aid, the type she critiques, has largely failed because it does not trickle down to the people who need it most. Instead, it either lines the pockets of corrupt officials, is lost in a sea of inefficiency, or promotes lackluster behavior on the part of African policymakers.
Moyo goes a step further to outline various alternatives to foreign aid that could solve Africa’s woes in the long run. The alternatives are impressive: government issued bonds on the international market, microcredit loans, regional government bonds, increasing regional trade by reducing inter-continent tariffs, steps to increase remittances, and promoting individual savings. These are all viable solutions, which she discusses in great detail. While Moyo admits that the strategy for each African country will obviously be different, she creates a “typical African country” named the Republic of Dongo, which makes for a perfect test case for any economist or analyst willing to experiment with these new strategies. Most importantly, her suggestions leave room to quibble over the details while steadfastly adhering to the main point: there are alternative, better solutions to aid.
Perhaps the controversy comes into play with her statement that Africa does not need multi-party democracy, “but in fact a decisive benevolent dictator to push through the reforms required to get the economy moving.” Here we engage in a battle of theory versus on-the-ground reality, and Moyo wins. The fictitious mosquito net producer that Moyo references throughout her book is less concerned about the right to vote than if he will have the resources to feed his family. Anyone who has travelled the world (or even travelled their own country) will know that a person’s desire for political engagement only comes about after basic needs have been met. When you have whole sectors of society who are bereft of these basic needs, politics are a spurious luxury.
To really understand her argument, you have to focus on the qualifier “benevolent” and the goal of a moving economy. Simply because a president shuns elections as a “tool of the West to undermine sovereignty,” as many rulers have done, it does not fit him in the criteria Moyo sets forth. A benevolent dictator, as Moyo defines, would have to ensure property rights, functioning institutions, growth-promoting economic policies, and an investment climate that buttressed growth. What this also means is that the dictator focuses on getting the country out of poverty utilizing long-term strategies, while allowing his/her people enough freedom to take advantage of these opportunities. Microcredit loans cannot exist if private enterprise is shut down. “The middle class needs a government that will let it get ahead,” as Moyo emphasizes.
Without stating it, Moyo is in fact making an argument for the seedlings of democracy. The problem, though, is that democracy is a buzzword, one which many in the development field believe means a focus on elections. To the contrary, democracy is a long-term process, the beginnings of which must begin with ensuring that the mosquito net producer and the rural farmer have the tools they need to succeed without being dependent on handouts.
From the entire book, there is but one area with which I disagree: China. Moyo asserts that China is a unique opportunity for Africa that must be taken advantage of. This is where a bit of idealism comes into play. While China’s involvement in Africa certainly contrasts that of other countries, it is by no means an angel. The 2005 protests in Zambia against the Chinese-owned copper mines demonstrate this clearly. At best, China is the “devil you don’t know” scenario. At the same time, theoretically, Moyo’s benevolent dictator would be able to take advantage of the opportunity and set the terms for China’s engagement more than they would with other countries. Promoting an environment where African countries can actually take advantage of China, which is what Moyo’s book describes, is a concept I wholeheartedly agree with.
In the end, Moyo has filled an important gap in development discussion. She has challenged the status quo of “more aid is better” and she has brought African intellectuals back into the forefront of the discussion. Both accomplishments are of untold value and equal necessity. While Geldoff and other celebrities certainly hold a place in raising global awareness, it is clear they should simply be warming up the stage for forward-thinking individuals such as Dambisa Moyo.

Ha, ok just read the article, but my comment stands nonetheless. She’s not the average Zambian. Plus, I’ve read her book and it’s nothing new BUT the fact that she’s Zambian….and for that I am proud of her. People here have much love for her too. That is about the only thing new in this whole situation. Now if we can get African women in AFRICA similar education and opportunities that Dambisa had, so that they, too can write best sellers without having to go to the UK to get educated, I will be more than happy.
quite honestly, i agreed with everything you said. i tried to find some points to pick at but i couldnt lol. I think her point about democracy merits further discussion. people uses the terms democracy/capitalism/freedom interchangeably. i was surprised at the negative backlash from the NGO and donor community about her book. it seems like they wanted her to “stay in her place”. most did not provide any real constructive criticism, only insisting that Africa NEEDS aid. check her out on BBC Hard Talk on YouTube
well written book review bruh! the book seems just as strong and thought provoking…I WILL read this book…I’m glad she left us with some out of the box ideas to chew on…we all know she’s right in many ways…basically though, the positioning and rhetoric is African-centered…otherwise known as Afrocentric…the only way out of this is to find African-centered solutions to African problems that African people face…no one will do it for us…this is not what Aid is all about…it is not about betting out of the crab bucket….it’s rather providing various new buckets and a few better fed crabs…I work in the Aid industry…I see it from the inside…even many Europeans who work in this industry know that over decades of intervention no ground breaking results appear…it’s because the solutions invested in are not ours, not in our best interests and have no collective vision…I’m glad that we have more and more Moyos who will champion our African-centered rhetoric and provide us with a new vision (all without explicitly mentioning the dreaded ‘A’ word, African-centered, that has become so despised by those that don’t want to see us succeed)…I’ve realized that this will have to be part of our intellectual strategy…to be African-centered without even mentioning the word…just put ourselves as subject as oppose to object and the rest will become clear….well done…
benevolent dictator? give some one all the power in the country and hope that he will grant his poor citizens a better life? take about a fall from reality. complete bullshit.
FACT: it was all these dictators that set up Africa’s dependence on AID, all that money has gone through them and never reached the people. yes, everyone’s first concern is care for themselves and family, but what is gracioucly overlooked here is the fact that dictators keep people on the verge of poverty to keep them under control. that and overt oppression.
FACT: Democracies entail the elected officials responsibility to his/her constituency. Keep them happy and you stay in office. If you have a poor farming community in a democracy, his elected representative does his best to make sure his situation is dealt with. A dictator has no responsibility to any save to keep those happy who put him in power be it overlooked corruption along party lines or becoming a satellite state to a world power. A dictator just arrests the farmers and eliminates dissent through force. this in the long run usually entails a short term insurgency or a long term civil war.
and most of that $300 billion?
i believe it was nearly all military aid.
Filmone:
These are all great points you raise. The $300 billion Moyo focuses on is the direct government to government transfer, which does usually consist of military aid.
As for the theoretical benevolent dictator Moyo suggests, well it is just that, theoretical. The ideal is that rather than push for immediate elections, which is often a strategy tied to foreign aid, the focus should be on economic development.
Again, I stress, the problem is that many take the aforementioned statement as an excuse to abuse the populace for the excuse of “economic development.” This should not be the case. Democracy begins with taking care of the people. Sure, elections can add to that in ways you mentioned, but how do you get to that point?
It’s a slippery slope because then one could theoretically hold off on elections until “suitable economic development has been achieved.” Well, I’ll pre-emptively answer that with another Moyo quote:
“Africans need the gritty defiance of the unknown man who stood against the Chinese tanks in Tiananmen Square in June 1989.”